The Secret History of the Tripartite Alliance
Ribbentrop（Episode６）
Moscow
The boundary between Germanic and Slavic areas was roughly the Elbe in the early Middle Ages. The Germans built many fortified cities, including Magdeburg. Due to the Germans' Eastern colonization movement from the latter half of the Middle Ages, part of the boundary crossed the Neman River and advanced along the Baltic Sea, becoming Teutonic Knights territory. However, the inland area was dominated by West Slavic Poland, with the Oder River in the west and Lithuania, White Russia and western Ukraine in the east. This situation changed when Poland was put on the defensive due to the adoption of an elected monarchy within Poland, the fragmentation of feudalism, the independence and expansion of the Grand Duchy of Moscow from the Kipchak Khanate, and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Brandenburg and Prussia and the Kingdom of Prussia. It was decided that after the divisions of Poland by Three Powers, the main part became Russian territory, and after several failed resistance movements, Poland became the province of the Russian Empire. In the center of Warsaw lies a square that reminds us of the friendship between Britain, the United States and France, such as Napoleon and Wilson Square. After the Russian Revolution and the Red Scare, Poland had even signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler, and had bought Hitler at a higher price than in previous cases of anti-Polish German politicians. It can be said that Poland viewed the Soviet Union more hostilely than the Nazis. Foreign Minister Beck, who succeeded his precessesor Pilsudski, took advantage of the Munich talks and Czech Protectionate in isolation and succeeded in acquiring the long-awaited Orsa region by a court decision in Vienna established by Ribbentrop and Italian Foreign Minister Ciano. With Austria and the Czech Republic settled, it was now Poland's turn. He demanded the return of Danzig and the construction of roads and railways connecting the mainland with East Prussia, so-called Polish Corridor. After the First World War, Europe was leaning to the right because of the fear of the Soviet Union and socialism, so there were relatively few allergies to Hitler, but when it came to Poland's turn, she ended up relying on Britain, the United States, or the Soviet Union. She was forced to. However, the price for falling behind Hitler was very large.
The annexation of Austria and the erasure of the Czech Republic were nothing more than a stepping stone to create a sphere of human existence for Germans in the east. Two of the four tasks assigned to Ribbentrop were resolved, and the third, the annexation of Memel, was easily accomplished by dispatching a warship to the port of Memel and threatening it, partly because Memel had many German residents. Then came the final Polish issue. It was Beck's obstinate anti-communism that made Poland a friend of Germany and a common enemy of the Soviet Union since the 1934 Non-Aggression Pact. It was important for Poland to remain docile until it invaded Austria and the Czech Republic. However, in order to create a humanosphere in the east, it was necessary to bring Poland under control, so it was said that the coming came. In addition, British Chamberlain and Halifax overestimated Poland's cavalry-based military strength, making it much easier for the Germans. This time as well, he repeatedly requested Beck to visit Germany, baiting the exchange of opinions on the situation in Spain, etc., but in the end Beck gave in and the visit was made. Beck agreed to meet at Hitler's Berghof, but was also refused the return of Danzig and the so-called Polish Corridor, which would create a railway and road between the homeland and East Prussia and place it under German sovereignty. He promised to continue negotiations, and at the end of January 1939 Ribbentrop visited Warsaw by train accompanied by Mrs. Annelise. At the station, Mrs. Beck presented a bouquet of flowers to Annelise, and the diplomatic formalities went well, but the meeting was refused after two hours of persuasion, the same as at Berghof. The next day, Beck was in poor physical condition and the talks were shortened, so it was a completely parallel line. As he boarded the train, looking out over the desolate Polish plains, expecting to be reprimanded by Hitler, an epiphany occurred to him: "Why don't we make a pact with the Soviet Union?" Other Nazi veterans would never have thought of it, but for Ribbentrop, an originally international businessman, practical interests were more important than ideological conflicts. It is clear that the Munich Conference had a great deal to do with the Soviet Union, but there was nothing for the Soviet Union. Britain and France depended on the military power of Beck and Poland. It was too late when I finally realized that I could not do without the Soviet Union. Germany started with economic negotiations, and in the summer, Hitler personally sent Ribbentrop from Berghof to Stalin, asking Stalin to establish his sphere of influence. Stalin reacted to this seriousness by replying that he would negotiate with Ribbentrop in Moscow on 23 August. No one in Japan, including Hiroshi Oshima, could foresee the approach of Germany and the Soviet Union. Hiroshi Oshima, who had been promoted to ambassador, took responsibility and resigned and returned to Japan. Ribbentrop and his party arrived via East Prussia at noon on the 23rd at the Sheremetyevo Air Force Airfield, now an international airport in Moscow. How hurried this was can be seen from the fact that there was no Hakenkreuz flag of Nazi Germany in the Soviet Union, and it happened to be taken from the filming site of an anti-Nazi movie that was being filmed. There is a monument near this airport that marks the frontline of the German army's advance in the later German-Soviet War. Schulenburg, German ambassador to the Soviet Union, welcomed him at the airport, and the delegation, who hadn't slept all night , had light lunch at the embassy and headed for the Kremlin. This time, Schmidt was on standby to begin negotiations, reduce the number of people, and sign the treaty as soon as possible. It is rare for a foreigner to enter the Kremlin, but as soon as the negotiations were started by Foreign Minister Molotov, Appeared Stalin. Even in case of Schulenburg, where he has been an ambassador for four years, he has hardly met Stalin, but it was an unusual event. All the surviving photographs show him smiling, but considering the many Hitler's personal items found in the Kremlin after the fall of the Soviet Union, it seems that this was a genuine smile. Why do you not believe in the German attack on the Soviet Union to the end, why is it that at midnight on the last day of June 22, 1941, vehicles full of mineral resources are still arriving in Brestlitovsk for Germany? This could explain the ruthless treatment to Germans towards the end of the German-Soviet War. Perhaps Stalin was thinking something along the lines of, "If you and I team up, the world will be ours." Ribbentrop called Hitler twice in Berghof to confirm that too much territory - Finland, the Baltic states (Lithuania a month later), and eastern Poland - would belong to the Soviet Union. Like Trotsky and Lenin at the Treaty of Brestlitovsk. Evening negotiations, a late dinner, and at 02:00 on the 24th, the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, including a secret protocol, was signed. Ribbentrop was impressed by Stalin's naive and unpretentious demeanor, and was very well impressed by Molotov and the Trade Minister Kaganovich, "like old comrades". When he called Hitler in Berghof at 3 o'clock, he said, "This will work like a bomb," and "Europe is mine now." ordered Ribbentrop to prepare to return to homeland as soon as possible. On the 24th, Ribbentrop boarded the Fùhrer's private seat and was delighted, but due to the recent incident of anti-aircraft fire on German Lufthansa planes by Polish forces, his route largely detoured around Poland and returned home. He received Hitler's greatest reception at the Chancellery. Italy put a damper on this, declaring its neutrality in the war. After that, until the 30th, a dizzying diplomatic battle was waged to somehow prevent the war, but the gap was not filled at all. It seemed the time had come to move the lead roles from diplomats to soldiers and the SS.
Diplomatic negotiations in Berlin were moving at a dizzying pace until 31 August, when Hitler's unreasonable demands on Poland were rejected by Polish Ambassador Lipsky, and British Ambassador Henderson and French Ambassador Coulondre attempted to create a forum for discussion. The general flow was that the Italian ambassador Atlico was going to intervene. However, the attack on Poland had already been announced in April, so at the end Hitler tried to discuss a rational request to Poland that could never be made in time, but it failed and he had no choice but to go to war. Behind the diplomatic negotiations, Heydlich, the SS Chief of National Public Security (RSHA), undertook a clever and ruthless pretext for his subordinates, including Naujoks. The corpses of concentration camp prisoners were dressed in Polish military uniforms and prepared to make it look like Naujoks and others would wear Polish military uniforms and attack the Gleiwitz radio station near the border.
The attack on Poland, Operation White, began at 4:45 on September 1, but before dawn, major military installations were destroyed and transportation networks cut off. This time, it was expected that both Britain and France would declare war and go into military actions, but the former was handed over by British Ambassador Henderson to the interpreter Schmidt at the Ribbentrop office at 9:00 on the 3rd, and was immediately conveyed to Hitler and Ribbentrop at the Chancellery. But Hitler said to Ribbentrop: 'What is this? It's a different story, isn't it?”, and Göring and Goebbels, who were waiting outside the office, also showed disappointment. As for the latter, very inexplicably, there was no bombing of the German mainland or an offensive anywhere to help Poland, and the French could not have conceived of an offensive by barricading themselves in the fortifications of the Line of Maginot. . After all, although Britain and France declared war, Poland was annihilated without any would-be attacking, and Ribbentrop took credit. The army was in a position to advance more easily to the east with a rapid advance, but due to the secret protocols of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact, the Soviet army advanced westward, and Germans‘ advance was stopped at the Brestritovsk line, and as a result, Moscow would be 200 kilometers away from Berlin, and this would be a decisive factor to the end of the war. Two years from then it would be significant to return trend of World War 2. After that, Ribbentrop played an active role in improving relations with Italy, whose position had weakened, in order to secure Italy's neutrality.
The annexation of Austria and the erasure of the Czech Republic were nothing more than a stepping stone to create a sphere of human existence for Germans in the east. Two of the four tasks assigned to Ribbentrop were resolved, and the third, the annexation of Memel, was easily accomplished by dispatching a warship to the port of Memel and threatening it, partly because Memel had many German residents. Then came the final Polish issue. It was Beck's obstinate anti-communism that made Poland a friend of Germany and a common enemy of the Soviet Union since the 1934 Non-Aggression Pact. It was important for Poland to remain docile until it invaded Austria and the Czech Republic. However, in order to create a humanosphere in the east, it was necessary to bring Poland under control, so it was said that the coming came. In addition, British Chamberlain and Halifax overestimated Poland's cavalry-based military strength, making it much easier for the Germans. This time as well, he repeatedly requested Beck to visit Germany, baiting the exchange of opinions on the situation in Spain, etc., but in the end Beck gave in and the visit was made. Beck agreed to meet at Hitler's Berghof, but was also refused the return of Danzig and the so-called Polish Corridor, which would create a railway and road between the homeland and East Prussia and place it under German sovereignty. He promised to continue negotiations, and at the end of January 1939 Ribbentrop visited Warsaw by train accompanied by Mrs. Annelise. At the station, Mrs. Beck presented a bouquet of flowers to Annelise, and the diplomatic formalities went well, but the meeting was refused after two hours of persuasion, the same as at Berghof. The next day, Beck was in poor physical condition and the talks were shortened, so it was a completely parallel line. As he boarded the train, looking out over the desolate Polish plains, expecting to be reprimanded by Hitler, an epiphany occurred to him: "Why don't we make a pact with the Soviet Union?" Other Nazi veterans would never have thought of it, but for Ribbentrop, an originally international businessman, practical interests were more important than ideological conflicts. It is clear that the Munich Conference had a great deal to do with the Soviet Union, but there was nothing for the Soviet Union. Britain and France depended on the military power of Beck and Poland. It was too late when I finally realized that I could not do without the Soviet Union. Germany started with economic negotiations, and in the summer, Hitler personally sent Ribbentrop from Berghof to Stalin, asking Stalin to establish his sphere of influence. Stalin reacted to this seriousness by replying that he would negotiate with Ribbentrop in Moscow on 23 August. No one in Japan, including Hiroshi Oshima, could foresee the approach of Germany and the Soviet Union. Hiroshi Oshima, who had been promoted to ambassador, took responsibility and resigned and returned to Japan. Ribbentrop and his party arrived via East Prussia at noon on the 23rd at the Sheremetyevo Air Force Airfield, now an international airport in Moscow. How hurried this was can be seen from the fact that there was no Hakenkreuz flag of Nazi Germany in the Soviet Union, and it happened to be taken from the filming site of an anti-Nazi movie that was being filmed. There is a monument near this airport that marks the frontline of the German army's advance in the later German-Soviet War. Schulenburg, German ambassador to the Soviet Union, welcomed him at the airport, and the delegation, who hadn't slept all night , had light lunch at the embassy and headed for the Kremlin. This time, Schmidt was on standby to begin negotiations, reduce the number of people, and sign the treaty as soon as possible. It is rare for a foreigner to enter the Kremlin, but as soon as the negotiations were started by Foreign Minister Molotov, Appeared Stalin. Even in case of Schulenburg, where he has been an ambassador for four years, he has hardly met Stalin, but it was an unusual event. All the surviving photographs show him smiling, but considering the many Hitler's personal items found in the Kremlin after the fall of the Soviet Union, it seems that this was a genuine smile. Why do you not believe in the German attack on the Soviet Union to the end, why is it that at midnight on the last day of June 22, 1941, vehicles full of mineral resources are still arriving in Brestlitovsk for Germany? This could explain the ruthless treatment to Germans towards the end of the German-Soviet War. Perhaps Stalin was thinking something along the lines of, "If you and I team up, the world will be ours." Ribbentrop called Hitler twice in Berghof to confirm that too much territory - Finland, the Baltic states (Lithuania a month later), and eastern Poland - would belong to the Soviet Union. Like Trotsky and Lenin at the Treaty of Brestlitovsk. Evening negotiations, a late dinner, and at 02:00 on the 24th, the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, including a secret protocol, was signed. Ribbentrop was impressed by Stalin's naive and unpretentious demeanor, and was very well impressed by Molotov and the Trade Minister Kaganovich, "like old comrades". When he called Hitler in Berghof at 3 o'clock, he said, "This will work like a bomb," and "Europe is mine now." ordered Ribbentrop to prepare to return to homeland as soon as possible. On the 24th, Ribbentrop boarded the Fùhrer's private seat and was delighted, but due to the recent incident of anti-aircraft fire on German Lufthansa planes by Polish forces, his route largely detoured around Poland and returned home. He received Hitler's greatest reception at the Chancellery. Italy put a damper on this, declaring its neutrality in the war. After that, until the 30th, a dizzying diplomatic battle was waged to somehow prevent the war, but the gap was not filled at all. It seemed the time had come to move the lead roles from diplomats to soldiers and the SS.
Diplomatic negotiations in Berlin were moving at a dizzying pace until 31 August, when Hitler's unreasonable demands on Poland were rejected by Polish Ambassador Lipsky, and British Ambassador Henderson and French Ambassador Coulondre attempted to create a forum for discussion. The general flow was that the Italian ambassador Atlico was going to intervene. However, the attack on Poland had already been announced in April, so at the end Hitler tried to discuss a rational request to Poland that could never be made in time, but it failed and he had no choice but to go to war. Behind the diplomatic negotiations, Heydlich, the SS Chief of National Public Security (RSHA), undertook a clever and ruthless pretext for his subordinates, including Naujoks. The corpses of concentration camp prisoners were dressed in Polish military uniforms and prepared to make it look like Naujoks and others would wear Polish military uniforms and attack the Gleiwitz radio station near the border.
The attack on Poland, Operation White, began at 4:45 on September 1, but before dawn, major military installations were destroyed and transportation networks cut off. This time, it was expected that both Britain and France would declare war and go into military actions, but the former was handed over by British Ambassador Henderson to the interpreter Schmidt at the Ribbentrop office at 9:00 on the 3rd, and was immediately conveyed to Hitler and Ribbentrop at the Chancellery. But Hitler said to Ribbentrop: 'What is this? It's a different story, isn't it?”, and Göring and Goebbels, who were waiting outside the office, also showed disappointment. As for the latter, very inexplicably, there was no bombing of the German mainland or an offensive anywhere to help Poland, and the French could not have conceived of an offensive by barricading themselves in the fortifications of the Line of Maginot. . After all, although Britain and France declared war, Poland was annihilated without any would-be attacking, and Ribbentrop took credit. The army was in a position to advance more easily to the east with a rapid advance, but due to the secret protocols of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact, the Soviet army advanced westward, and Germans‘ advance was stopped at the Brestritovsk line, and as a result, Moscow would be 200 kilometers away from Berlin, and this would be a decisive factor to the end of the war. Two years from then it would be significant to return trend of World War 2. After that, Ribbentrop played an active role in improving relations with Italy, whose position had weakened, in order to secure Italy's neutrality.
